(Employment or Work ) and (Health) and Systematic Review and (Immigrant)

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A systematic review of working conditions and occupational health amongst immigrants in Europe and Canada

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Abstract

Groundwork

A systematic attempt to summarize the literature that examines working conditions and occupational health among immigrant in Europe and Canada.

Methods

Nosotros established inclusion criteria, searched systematically for manufactures included in the Medline, Embase and Social Sciences Commendation Index databases in the menstruation 2000–2016 and checked the reference lists of all included papers.

Results

Eighty-two studies were included in this review; 90% were cross-sectional and 80% were based on self-study. Work injuries were consistently found to be more than prevalent amongst immigrants in studies from unlike countries and in studies with different designs. The prevalence of perceived discrimination or bullying was found to be consistently higher among immigrant workers than among natives. In full general, however, nosotros plant that the evidence that immigrant workers are more probable to be exposed to physical or chemical hazards and poor psychosocial working weather condition is very limited. A few Scandinavian studies back up the thought that occupational factors may partly contribute to the higher run a risk of sick leave or disability pension observed among immigrants. However, the bear witness for working atmospheric condition as a potential mediator of the associations between immigrant condition and poor general health and mental distress was very limited.

Decision

Some indicators propose that immigrant workers in Europe and Canada experience poorer working weather condition and occupational health than do native workers. All the same, the ability to depict conclusions is express by the large gaps in the bachelor data, heterogeneity of immigrant working populations, and the lack of prospectively designed accomplice studies.

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Background

According to the International Labour Organization's estimates, there are 150 million immigrant workers throughout the world, almost half of whom are full-bodied in two broad subregions, Northern America and Europe. In Europe, the proportion of foreign-born residents increased by more 50% in the kickoff decade of 2000 because of mobility and migration, and this group at present represents about 10% of the European population [1]. Immigrant workers are commonly defined every bit all economically agile immigrants because most of the data sources cannot define the reasons for migration and are likely to tape only nationality or country of birth. Most immigrant workers throughout the world are engaged in the services sector and in industries such as manufacturing, construction, transportation and agriculture [two]. New European Union (EU) and national state policies to liberalize regulations accept been introduced during the terminal decade to open upward labour markets in Europe, to stimulate new supply- and demand-driven forms of labour migration, and to meet labour market place demands and demographic outlook. Most of the immigrant workers from within and exterior of Europe work in low-skilled jobs [one]. Although both immigrant status and unskilled labour are thought to plant particular risks of dangerous and unhealthy working environment, relatively little is known about working conditions and piece of work-related health of migrants in host countries [3].

Paid piece of work is important for quality of life because it provides a source of income and identity. The workplace offers opportunities for personal development and socializing [four]. However, not all jobs provide equal opportunities, and some are characterized by occupational hazards such as heavy concrete work, risk of injury or exposure to toxic substances or poor psychosocial working weather (e.g., excessive mental work load, low chore autonomy or negative social interactions). Information technology is well documented that such exposures tin can negatively affect workers' health [5]. In destination countries, immigrant workers are reported to be over-represented in less desirable, depression-skilled jobs and are thought to be more than exposed to adverse working conditions than natives [vi]. Greater difficulties in entering the labour marketplace and in validating prior educational and technical training once in the host land, poor linguistic communication skills, and a lack of workers in some unskilled occupations may contribute to the higher rate of immigrant employment in the most hazardous jobs. Hence, there are reasons to assume that work-related health among the immigrant population differs from that of the native population in various countries. Other factors such as the reason for migration, geographical origin, age at migration and residence time in the new country also likely contribute to differences in health status betwixt immigrant groups and the native population [7]; still, these topics were considered to be beyond the scope of the systematic search in nowadays written report.

More than 10 years accept passed since Ahonen and co-workers published the nearly recent review of research on occupational health amid immigrant groups [8]. Their search strategy captured both original and overview manufactures relating to the topics of immigration, work and health in the PubMed database for the period 1990–2005. About 90% of the included studies were conducted in the Us, Australia and Canada, while only a few were conducted in Europe. The most studied outcome noted in their review was occupational injuries, whereas studies of exposure and occupational wellness problems involved mainly specific populations (e.1000., subcontract workers and textile workers). The authors reported that the studies included were highly heterogeneous and hard to classify. Nevertheless, they concluded that all indicators together drew a worrying prototype of immigrant workers' health.

Our objective here was to perform a systematic review of the research on both working conditions and occupational health amongst immigrant workers in Europe. We included studies from Canada because its immigration authorities is similar to that of some European countries, especially the Scandinavian ones. Nosotros aimed to compare the relationship between working weather and occupational wellness in immigrant and native workers. Our main inquiry questions were as follows:

Research question 1: A) Practice differences in working environs and conditions exist? B) Does the relationship between piece of work-related exposure and wellness differ between these groups?

Research question ii: A) Do immigrant workers have more occupational health problems than native workers? B) Exercise differences pertaining to working weather mediate differences in occupational wellness issues?

Methods

In this review, nosotros divers "immigrant worker" in a full general sense as a person who is foreign-born and economically active in the host land. We chose a wide definition to permit us to examine different aspects of piece of work and health for diverse groups of immigrants or minorities in multiple contexts.

Search strategy

We searched systematically for the flow 2000–2016 in the Medline, Embase and Social Sciences Citation Alphabetize databases during January 2017. We limited the search to commodity titles and abstracts. Nosotros prepared one listing of search terms related to clearing, a second related to occupational wellness or occupational exposure based on the search cord suggested by Mattioli and co-workers [9], and a 3rd related to the land of clearing (see Boosted file i). Other relevant sources were identified through the reference lists of all included studies and other relevant studies identified past the authors.

Inclusion/exclusion criteria and assessment

Two of the authors screened the abstracts and excluded those that did not mention immigrant populations and occupational exposure or occupational health as key issues. All potentially relevant papers were read in full by 1 of the authors. If exclusion was suggested, information technology was confirmed by the first author. For inclusion, studies had to meet all the post-obit criteria:

  1. 1.

    The study included and reported information for employed immigrants.

  2. ii.

    The study either addressed a quantitative mensurate of occupational exposure or the health condition of a working population or analysed the relationship between health and working weather condition

  3. 3.

    The study was an original study published in a peer-reviewed journal, its abstruse was reported in at least one of the databases.

  4. 4.

    The study was published in English or a Nordic language (Danish, Finnish, Norwegian or Swedish).

The included articles were assessed by one of the authors and then the main author using a set up of predefined parameters that included the study design, characteristics of the participants, definitions and measurement of working weather condition and health, statistical analysis, covariates, results and limitations. This information is summarized in a table (see Boosted file two).

Results

The search resulted in 3213 hits in the three databases after we had removed all duplicates. Nosotros excluded near of the studies (n = 3063) in the initial screening of titles and abstracts. In total, 151 manufactures were read in full, 92 of which fulfilled the initial inclusion criteria [10,11,12,13,14,15,xvi,17,18,19,20,21,22,23,24,25,26,27,28,29,thirty,31,32,33,34,35,36,37,38,39,40,41,42,43,44,45,46,47,48,49,50,51,52,53,54,55,56,57,58,59,60,61,62,63,64,65,66,67,68,69,70,71,72,73,74,75,76,77,78,79,80]. In addition, 11 studies [81,82,83,84,85,86,87,88,89,90,91] identified in the reference lists were included. The excluded studies that were read in full did non study information on working weather condition or health-related outcomes in a defined working population (n = 53); three were duplicates, and 2 were historical studies of asbestos and mesothelioma [92, 93]. Twenty-1 studies [94,95,96,97,98,99,100,101,102,103,104,105,106,107,108,109,110,111,112,113,114] did not report relevant quantitative measures of exposure or health. Thus, 82 studies were included in this review (run into the flow nautical chart in Fig. ane).

Fig. ane
figure 1

Flow chart

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Most studies were cantankerous-sectional (n = 77), except for five with a longitudinal pattern [26, 45, 62, 70, 81]. Almost studies were questionnaire-based surveys (n = 66), except for some register-based studies of sick leave or disability alimony [22, 28, 37, 42, 45, 73, 81, 82] or work injury [16, 20, 26, 29, forty, 50, 59].

The studies were from Canada (n = 13), Czech Republic (north = two), Denmark (n = 9), Finland (northward = 5), Germany (n = ii), Hellenic republic (due north = 1), Ireland (northward = 5), Italy (north = two), the Netherlands (n = ii), Norway (northward = 7), Spain (n = 20), Sweden (n = 7), Switzerland (due north = ii), the United Kingdom (UK) (n = 4), and Europe (due north = i).

Working weather and their association with health (n = 43 studies)

Of the 43 studies addressing working conditions, 32 addressed inquiry question 1A pertaining to differences in specific work-related exposures and 17 examined research question 1B on whether the relationships between specific exposures and health effects differ between immigrants and natives. These results are grouped into the following categories: mechanical, physical or chemical exposures, psychosocial stressors, bullying or discrimination and dissimilar employment arrangements, summarized in separate tables (Tables 1, 2, three and 4).

Table 1 Mechanical, concrete, chemical exposure amidst immigrants compared with natives

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Table 2 Psychosocial work factors amid immigrants compared with natives

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Table 3 Bullying (B) or bigotry (D)

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Table iv Employment atmospheric condition among immigrants compared with natives

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Mechanical, physical or chemical exposure and health (northward = half-dozen studies; Tabular array 1)

A report from 31 European countries, compared immigrant workers with natives and found that immigrant manual workers reported higher levels of exposure to concrete factors (vibrations, racket and heat) and mechanical factors (painful positions, heavy loads and continuing or walking). Exposure to grit or fumes was more than prevalent amongst female immigrant workers only [64].

Three national surveys that compared immigrant workers to natives reported greater exposure to heavy concrete demands [33, 35, 60], and two surveys reported pocket-sized and non-meaning differences for lifting weights and forced work position [63] and working postures [35]. Surveys from Spain reported greater exposure to grit among immigrant workers [33], but no pregnant differences for chemical exposure [63]. A survey from Canada reported lower exposure to toxic substances for immigrants [60]. A second survey from Canada reported that, both 2 and four years later arrival, immigrants with poorer English linguistic communication skills or lower educational level or those who had immigrated to Canada as a refugee were more likely to be employed in occupations with greater physical demands compared with their previous jobs before arriving in Canada [seventy].

Full general psychosocial working conditions and health (north = eighteen studies; Tabular array 2)

Iii studies reported greater chore demands among immigrants [39, 46, 64], while one reported lower task demands [eighty], and half dozen reported small and no significant differences between natives and immigrants [x, 35, 44, 53, 55, 63]. Four studies of the full general population reported lower levels of task control in immigrant workers [35, 39, 77, lxxx], whereas three studies of workers within the same occupation constitute no meaning differences between immigrants and natives [10, 44, 53], and 1 report reported a pregnant higher level of task command among immigrants [55]. 2 studies of the general population [39, lxxx] institute lower levels of social support among immigrant workers, whereas a third written report of the full general population found no differences [35]. Three studies that compared immigrants and natives inside the same occupation found no differences in the level of social support from colleagues [44, 53] or perceived leadership quality [55].

Pertaining to research question 1B, similar associations betwixt psychosocial factors and measures of psychological distress were reported for immigrants and natives in three studies of the full general working population in Spain [38], employees in a transportation company in Republic of finland [17] and the general working population of Swedish women [87]. Past dissimilarity, stressors were more than strongly associated with measures of psychological distress amongst natives than among immigrants in a German study of workers in a mail service company [44], two Danish studies of cleaners [54] and elderly care workers [55] and a Finnish written report of physicians [49].

Bullying or bigotry in the workplace and health (n = 12 studies; Table three)

Non-Western immigrant health intendance workers [43], and immigrant employees in a transportation visitor [18], were more likely to written report bullying than natives. Higher levels of perceived bigotry among immigrant workers compared with natives accept been observed in studies of the general working population in Spain [33, 41], the Czech republic [36], Switzerland [48], and the United kingdom [19, 91], and in UK studies of ethnic minority nurses and teachers [51, 86], and in Swedish studies of immigrant women employed in a municipality [15] and not-Nordic immigrants employed in elderly intendance [46].

Pertaining to research question 1B, a Spanish survey reported an association between work-related discrimination and poor mental health and self-reported wellness (SRH) among immigrant workers [13]. A study of the full general working population in the UK reported that the risk of mental disorders was highest amidst people from indigenous minorities who reported having received unfair treatment or racial insults [nineteen].

Employment conditions and health (n = 10 studies; Table 4)

Studies of the general working population from Sweden [15] and Spain [21, 33, 73], have found that immigrants were more than probable to report having a temporary work contract, or to be undocumented and working without a contract [75], whereas studies from Canada have found that contempo immigrants were more probable to study temporary employment than were natives [60, 72]. Employment precariousness (i.e., employment instability, low wages, express rights) was significantly college amongst immigrants than among Spanish natives [90]. Over-education, which is defined equally a discrepancy betwixt a person'south educational attainment and the educational requirements of his or her occupation, was reported to be more prevalent among workers from outside of Western Europe, compared with natives in the general working population in Sweden [34].

Pertaining to research question 1B, having no piece of work contract or a temporary contract [75] or precarious piece of work situation [89] were all associated to the aforementioned extent with poor SRH and mental health in both immigrant and native Castilian workers. Existence employed in a temporary job was more than strongly related to having disability pension among Spanish natives than among immigrants [73], but was more than strongly related to sickness presenteeism among immigrants than among natives [12]. A higher gamble of poor mental health was observed amid immigrants with illegal or temporary legal status compared with those who had caused Spanish citizenship [62]. Over-educated foreign-born workers from countries exterior Western Europe had double the risk for poor SRH compared with over-educated native-born Swedish workers [34], and iv years after arrival in Canada, immigrants experiencing whatever dimension of over-qualification were significantly more than likely to report a pass up in mental health [26], and had a higher hazard of work injuries requiring medical attention compared with non-recent and not over-educated immigrants [61].

Health problems, sick exit, disability and work injuries (n = 45 studies)

Studies addressing whether the prevalence of health problems is college in immigrant workers than in native workers (research question 2A) have evaluated the following wellness indicators: SRH and mental distress (n = 17), ill leave or disability alimony (n = 12) and work injuries (n = 16). Among the 45 studies, 9 examined whether differences pertaining to working atmospheric condition mediate the association between immigrant status and health bug [25, 35, 52] or sick leave and disability rates [23, 24, 28, 42, 73, 82] (research question 2B).

Self-reported health (SRH) and mental distress (n = 17 studies; Table v)

A college risk of poor SRH among immigrants compared with natives, have been reported in general working population studies in Sweden [35], Norway [82] and Kingdom of spain [21, 25], and studies of cleaners [47] and elderly care workers [23] in Denmark. A report of the general working population from the Czech Democracy reported small differences in SRH between natives and immigrants [36]. Two studies compared SRH between groups of immigrant workers [58, 76].

Table five Self-reported health (SRH) and mental distress

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Four surveys of the full general working population in Spain reported higher run a risk of mental health problems among immigrant women [25, 32, 89] or both immigrant men and women [38] compared with natives. Higher levels of mental health problems were as well plant among immigrants in surveys of the general working population in Sweden [35] and the Netherlands [52], a report of hospital employees in Germany [69] and a study of cleaners in Norway [84]. Three studies have reported higher levels of burnout amid groups of immigrant workers compared with natives [ten, 55, 87]. However, three other studies observed no meaning increase in the take a chance of mental distress in immigrant workers [nineteen, 44, 56].

Pertaining to enquiry question 2B, differences relating to psychosocial working atmospheric condition and physical load were reported to have a pocket-sized or negligible issue on the chance of poor mental wellness or SRH among immigrants in a study of the general working population in Sweden [35] and among immigrant women in the general working population in Espana [25]. In a report of the working population in the Netherlands, lack of recovery opportunities at work, simply not perceived work stress, accounted in part for higher levels of mental health issues in ethnic minority groups compared with natives [52]. In a Norwegian study of female person cleaning personnel, aligning for psychosocial and organizational working conditions did non reduce the observed difference in mental distress between natives and immigrants [84].

Sick leave and disability pension (n = 12 studies; Table 6)

Four studies of the general working population in Norway [22, 42, 82, 83] and Sweden [81] showed that non-Western immigrants had more than full general sickness absence [42, 81,82,83] and pregnancy-related sick leave [22]. However, compared with Norwegian natives, immigrant men from North America and Oceania had lower sickness absenteeism rates, and second-generation immigrants had similar sickness absenteeism rates [83]. Two studies from Denmark reported that immigrants had like [24] or lower [23] rates of sick leave than natives inside the aforementioned occupation. A Spanish follow-upwardly study of native and immigrant patients treated by principal care physicians, observed a lower risk of sick leave amid immigrants [74].

Table 6 Sick Leave and Inability Alimony

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Nationwide annals-based studies of the Swedish [45] and Norwegian [28] working population showed almost double take a chance of disability pension among immigrant workers compared with natives, and a study from the Netherlands reported a more than double risk of disability alimony among Turkish scaffolders compared with natives in the same occupation [37]. By contrast, a nationwide written report from Espana reported that immigrants had a lower probability of receiving disability pension than natives [73].

Pertaining to enquiry question 2B, aligning for occupation (4-digit code) in two studies of the general working population in Norway reduced the observed higher risk of sickness absenteeism amid immigrants compared with natives by 12% (in Eastern European immigrants) to 26% (in African immigrants) [42]. Adjustment also decreased the difference in the average number of days on sick exit between immigrants and natives by most one-third [82]. A study from Kingdom of norway reported that the observed backlog run a risk of using inability pension was largely explained by work factors and level of income, just not past country of origin [28]. By contrast, a study from Spain reported a lower take a chance of use of disability pension amongst immigrants despite the worse working conditions for immigrants [73].

Piece of work-related injuries (n = 16 studies; Table 7)

A higher risk of fatal accidents in immigrants was reported in one study of insured workers in Kingdom of spain (RR = 4.4; 95% CI iii.ix–5.1 in women and RR = 6.0; 95% CI 3.vi–9.6 in men) [fourteen]. A college hazard of non-fatal accidents in immigrants was reported in ii annals-based population studies in Spain and Denmark, respectively [fourteen, 20]. Three survey studies of general working populations establish that, compared to natives, the occurrence of cocky-reported occupational injuries was significantly higher in male person immigrants in Italy [67]; immigrant men in their starting time 5 years in Canada [71]; and immigrant workers in high-take a chance occupations in Canada [88]. By contrast, a Finnish survey of bus drivers reported a higher injury rate for Finnish than for immigrant drivers [66]. Two studies from Canada using aggregated injury information at the occupational level reported alien results in regard to whether immigrants were overrepresented in high-risk occupations [59, 78].

Table vii Non-fatal work injuries among immigrants compared to natives

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Vi studies reported that immigrants are over-represented in register-based studies of patients treated for work injuries [29, 31, xl, 50, 65, 85]. The injury rates in immigrants ranged from 109.1 to 271.viii per 1000 non-Eu illegally employed people compared with 65 per yard for the general working population in Italia in 2004 [50]. A Swiss written report of emergency unit of measurement patients reported that 66.4% of the injured workers were foreigners; this rate was twice that for the overall proportion of foreigners in Switzerland [40]. The incidence of hospitalized ocular injuries per 100,000 was 134 in immigrants from the Eu accession states versus x in those of Irish origin in 2006–2007 [65], and the number of patients with a hand injury originating from the 10 new EU accession states in 2004 was reported to increase markedly from 2000 to 2005. Two studies of patients with structure-related centre injuries [29] and workplace injuries requiring referral to a plastic surgery service [31] reported that 48 and 40% of the injuries, respectively, were in foreign-born workers; these workers represented 9% of the full workforce in Ireland. [sixteen]. A Norwegian study of occupational injuries registered in an emergency ward reported that 30% of those with serious injuries had a non-Scandinavian linguistic communication equally their commencement language; these workers represented 12% of the workforce [85].

Discussion

The aim of the nowadays paper was to use a systematic approach to explore the literature and determine whether working conditions and occupational wellness differ betwixt immigrant and native workers in Europe and Canada.

The well-nigh robust result in the present analyses is the higher risk of work injuries in immigrant than in native workers in studies from dissimilar countries and with different designs (due east.g., occupational injury records, national surveys and patient records) [14, 20, 29, 31, 40, 50, 65, 67, 71, 85, 88]. However, one study that compared immigrants and natives with like jobs and work tasks (bus drivers) did not find a higher risk among immigrants [66]. Different written report designs and the fact that many of the studies were based on patient samples without access to the population at risk brand information technology hard to compare the chance estimates in all studies. Annals-based population studies are considered the gold standard for estimating injury rates in the general population; however, a common limitation in all the included studies was that these studies did non account for illegally employed workers, as well equally legally workers, who were not found in the national registries. Nevertheless, our findings are consistent with the results from two previous reviews based primarily on studies from the United States (U.Southward.) [8, 14]. Preventing work injuries in immigrant workers should take a high priority at both the government and enterprise levels.

Across a large number of survey studies, our analyses consistently show that the prevalence rates of bullying [18, 43] and perceived discrimination [15, nineteen, 36, 41, 46, 48, 51, 86, 91] were higher in immigrants than in natives. However, the unlike definitions and measures of bullying and bigotry used in these studies rules out the possibility of comparison prevalence estimates. Immigrants do non generally announced to experience poorer psychosocial working conditions than natives within similar occupational groups, and psychosocial working weather condition announced to exist equally important for health in both immigrants and natives [17, 38, 44, 49, 54, 55, 87]. Nonetheless, results of studies of the general working population show that immigrants are more than probable to be employed in jobs with a lower level of autonomy and opportunities for evolution [35, 39, 77, 80]. In addition, employment atmospheric condition such as temporary piece of work [xv, 21, 33, 73], lack of work contracts [33] and over-qualification [34] are prevalent and may be important work factors to take into account, especially in studies of recent immigrants [26, 72]. Further studies are needed to replicate these results in different countries and groups of immigrants.

Only a few studies have addressed the physical and chemical working environs of immigrant workers. We did not identify any studies of the health consequences related to physical and chemical exposures in the workplace. Such health consequences may manifest several years subsequently the exposure and are therefore not straightforward to investigate, which may partly explicate the lack of studies in this field. A previous review reported that studies of exposure and health bug tended to focus on specific exposure in specific occupational groups, such as pesticide exposure among agricultural workers [eight]. Withal, these studies were conducted in the U.S. Thus, the present written report shows that concrete or chemical exposures amid immigrant workers accept been neglected in the European research literature. One possible explanation is that studies of exposure to physical or chemical factors at work may have focused on the exposure and effect in sure occupational groups, equally in the U.S., without reporting other characteristics of the exposed groups, such every bit immigrant condition.

Our written report shows that immigrant workers written report higher levels of poor SRH [21, 23, 25, 35, 47, 82] and mental distress [10, 25, 32, 35, 52, 55, 69, 84, 87, 89] than do natives, which is consistent with the findings of two previous reviews [115, 116]. Our assay besides showed that nigh [28, 37, 42, 45, 81,82,83] but not all studies [23, 24, 73] have reported a higher risk of ill leave and disability alimony amongst immigrants compared with natives. The prove that occupational factors may partly contribute to the excess run a risk of sick exit and disability pension observed amongst immigrants is sparse, although a few Scandinavian studies support this observation [28, 42, 82]. All the same, differences pertaining to working weather were reported to have a small or negligible touch on on the increased risk of poor mental wellness or SRH among immigrants compared with natives in studies from Scandinavia [35, 84], Kingdom of spain [25] and the Netherland [52].

Methodological shortcomings in the main manufactures

Our systematic review indicated a demand for more than high-quality epidemiological studies investigating the relationship between working weather and occupational health; that is, there are few prospective cohort studies that take diverse workplace characteristics, immigrant condition and baseline wellness into business relationship.

Most of the included studies of immigrant workers were cross-sectional and relied on self-report. Although cocky-reported information are an important source of information about the working environs and health in the population, both cognitive and situational factors may influence the validity of the data. Several of the studies used non-validated instruments to measure piece of work exposure or provided little information about the items or instruments used to measure the variables of interest. Moreover, different factors (e.one thousand., linguistic communication barriers and differences in semantic meanings, expectations and frames of reference) can influence how immigrants evaluate or assess their work environment and understand and translate the questions and survey context. In addition, a lack of consistency in the assessment methods and instruments make it hard to compare adventure and prevalence beyond studies of immigrant workers in different study contexts.

Another of import consideration is the representativeness of the samples recruited. Immigrants are a heterogeneous grouping, and private immigrants may come from dissimilar countries, migrate for different reasons, live in different recipient countries and piece of work permanently or for a limited menstruation. Over-sampling is frequently required to yield sufficient statistical information, and many studies take included pocket-size sample sizes that may non have been drawn randomly. Moreover, the lack of access to some populations, such every bit immigrant workers on short stays or undocumented migrants, is another obstacle.

Near studies of immigrant workers' occupational exposures and health evaluated in our review focused on differences between immigrants and the native population in the host country; these provide some insights into differences and similarities in occupational exposure and present wellness status. However, factors such as the diversity of immigrants in terms of their historic period, sexual practice, land of origin and destination, socio-economic status, the type of migration influence the possibility to perform simple comparisons of the occupational wellness condition between immigrants and natives [7, 117]. Moreover, the "healthy immigrant outcome" hypothesis suggesting that migrants are initially healthier than not-migrant populations due to the selection of healthy migrants at migration, but afterwards deterioration of upshot considering of exposure to risks in host countries, further complicates this issue [117, 118] . Thus, the lack of prospective studies that accept included factors that tin can affect health at unlike stages earlier, during and later on migration limits the ability to determine the extent to which factors in the work environment, together with other risk factors, may contribute to the take a chance of illness and disease.

Limitations and strengths of the current review

Few studies have evaluated the occupational health risks of immigrant populations. This is the first systematic review to summarize the literature on all aspects of working atmospheric condition and occupational health in immigrant workers in Europe and Canada. We searched the literature using a number of databases and hand searched the reference listing of all the included studies to minimize the risk of missing of import studies. The selection of articles in English or Nordic languages and our strict inclusion criteria of original, quantitative, peer-reviewed studies may have led us to overlook relevant documentation published in reports, books or websites that may shed light on this topic. Importantly, the report population in this review represents a narrow spectrum of socio-economic and cultural environments, which makes information technology impossible to generalize the results to immigrant workers in all parts of Europe or in other parts of the world.

One limitation of this review is the heterogeneity of the methodology used in the included studies. Large differences were observed betwixt the studies in terms of sample size, recruitment methods and assessment of working weather condition and occupational health, and these variations restrict our ability to compare and combine the findings of private studies. Hence, when accounting for the large number of studies with dissimilar written report aims, populations and methodological approaches, the results will inevitably exist a simplification, summary and choice of information and cognition. Nevertheless, we believe that some general conclusions tin can exist drawn based on the current knowledge about the working conditions and wellness of immigrants.

Decision

The overall evidence to testify that immigrant workers are more exposed to physical or chemical hazards and poor psychosocial working conditions than natives in Europe and Canada is very limited. Still, the prevalence of bullying and perceived discrimination is consistently college among immigrant than among native workers. Immigrants have a college risk of work-related injuries than exercise natives. The available evidence supports the inference that immigrant workers are disadvantaged in terms of self-perceived health and mental distress compared with the native population. Even so, the show to conclude that the working conditions are a potential mediator of the association between immigrant status and these wellness outcomes is very limited. Notwithstanding, a few studies from the Scandinavian countries support the idea that controlling for occupational factors may partly mitigate the differences in risk of sick get out and disability alimony betwixt non-Western immigrants and natives.

Noesis of the working conditions and occupational health of immigrant and ethnic minorities is of import for initiating preventive and integrational efforts. Even so, this is challenging considering of shortcomings in the available data, heterogeneity of immigrant populations, dubiousness well-nigh the validity of instruments and the lack of prospectively designed cohort studies. These challenges underscore the importance of collecting information on working atmospheric condition and health more systematically, particularly among groups that are presumed to be at greater run a risk of being employed in high-risk jobs.

To empathise further the associations between working conditions, health and immigrant status, and to facilitate cross-country comparisons in the European context, large-scale studies that focus on different aspects such as immigrants' cultural and socio-economical backgrounds, language skills and time lived in the host land are needed, as are investigations that are culturally advisable and utilise instruments translated into the female parent tongue of the target groups of immigrants. Tools and procedures that include immigrants and ethnic minorities in the existing data collection processes, such every bit censuses, national statistics and wellness surveys are also needed.

Many aspects of working conditions and occupational health related to immigrant movements remain to be investigated. At that place are indications of the over-representation of immigrants in low-skilled, high-risk manual jobs, which require confirmation through the analysis of valid empirical information. In addition, there is a lack of information regarding unsettled and undocumented immigrant workers. This matter is complicated by short-term, circular and return migration, which creates difficulties for information drove and reliable assessment of occupational health issues among immigrant workers.

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Acknowledgments

The authors give thanks the Nordic Quango of Ministers for financial back up and Benedicte Mohr for communication on literature search strategies.

Funding

The present systematic review was supported past the Nordic Council of Ministers (grant # 16222). The funding body had no part in the in the design of the study and collection, analysis, and interpretation of data and in writing the manuscript.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets supporting the conclusions of this article are included inside the article (and its Boosted files).

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TS initiated the study and coordinated the work. TT, ISM, KBV, BB, AA, BJ, MB, KH, MAF and TS contributed to the processes of defining the criteria for the inclusion and exclusion of studies, reviewing and assessing the chief studies, discussing findings, drawing conclusions as well as the completion of the manuscript. TS drafted the manuscript. TS agrees to act as guarantor for the paper. All authors have read and canonical the final draft of the manuscript.

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Correspondence to T. Sterud.

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Additional files

Additional file one:

Search profiles. (DOCX 15 kb)

Boosted file 2:

Working weather and occupational health amid immigrant workers: The information (authors; country, year of publication; aims of the study; report design; sample description, working conditions; health outcomes, summary of main results and general methodological comments) extracted from the articles. (DOCX 61 kb)

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Sterud, T., Tynes, T., Mehlum, I.S. et al. A systematic review of working conditions and occupational health among immigrants in Europe and Canada. BMC Public Health eighteen, 770 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-018-5703-three

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  • DOI : https://doi.org/x.1186/s12889-018-5703-3

Keywords

  • Emigrants and immigrants
  • Labour migrant
  • Migrant worker
  • Occupations
  • Occupational injury
  • Occupational safety and wellness
  • Review
  • Systematic review
  • Work

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Source: https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-018-5703-3

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